Archive Listing July 17, 2008 - July 10, 2008
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. Yesterday, the New York
Times published an editorial
about Samuel Alito. It said, in part:
This depressing presentation of left-wing political persectives
as if they were obvious mainstream positions immediately reminded me of
a recent Hugh Hewitt column
in the Weekly Standard. Mr.
Hewitt had occasion to spend some quality time with current students at
the Columbia School of Journalism, where a new dean is reportedly
trying to repair the crumbling credibility and competency of
professional journalists. One professor even permitted Hewitt to poll
members of a core class in the curriculum. Here's what he learned about
the current student body of the most prestigious school of journalism
in the land:
Between these two quotes, we have a quick and dirty snapshot of
America's Fourth Estate, an institution so traditionally powerful that
it has become very nearly another branch of government. It may be the
case, in fact, that a lot of people believe the first three estates are
the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the American
republic. But historically, the definitions are French: The First
Estate is the nobility; the Second Estate is the clergy; and the Third
Estate is the peasantry.
This societal model has nothing to do with contemporary American
political culture. Or does it? The more I think about the arrogance,
intransigence, and blindness to its own self-contradictions of the
American left, the more it seems that any illuminating explanation
cannot be fundamentally political, but must be almost purely social.
Try this hypothesis: The political leadership of the Democrat Party
constitutes the nobility (1st Estate). The academic institutions,
including colleges, universities, foundations, and think tanks are the
new clergy of the post-Christian Age of Secularism (2nd Estate). And
the rest of America, including the despised Republicans and
red-staters, as well as the much-needed servant corps of minorities,
union members, and other dependent recipients of government largesse,
are the peasantry (3rd Estate). The mainstream media, of course, remain
the Fourth Estate in this construct.
To see why this might matter in practical terms, it's important to
understand that the historical difference between nobility and
peasantry was absolute. A peasant could not become a noble by acquiring
money or position. Nor could a noble become a peasant by losing his
land and fortune. A noble is from birth to death simply better than a
peasant, regardless of other circumstance. In Dumas's Three Musketeers, for example, the
noble hero d'Artagnan begins his career impoverished, uncouth, and
uneducated in all disciplines. He cannot afford to pay his first
servant, and they both eat scraps and sleep on straw, but D'Artagnan
still has the automatic right to order his servant about and beat him
without rebuke. The difference between them is in the blood.
Now consider the history of American liberalism, whose founder and
inveterate icon was Franklin D. Roosevelt, an unabashed aristocrat. FDR
led his New Deal revolution with a cigarette holder clamped between his
teeth and a frosted martini glass in his hand. He was a graduate of
Groton and Harvard, a member of Harvard's Fly Club, which is located
less than two blocks from Teddy's notorious Owl Club and was -- and is
-- rather more exclusive. Roosevelt was also related by birth to
two of the most powerful players in the World War II campaign, Winston
Churchill and Douglas MacArthur. Churchill was of distinctly noble
blood and had to resign his title in order to run for office in the
House of Commons. In doing so, he was part of a long tradition of
aristocrats managing the democratic affairs of the peasantry for them,
a tradition to which Roosevelt also obviously belongs. The father of
America's New Deal for the common man was by any definition a
blueblood, a native of the same part of the country Hewitt designates
as the Boston-Washington "corridor," where an enormous percentage of
the country's institutional credentialing power continues to reside.
It's a curious but demonstrable fact that ever since the New Deal,
Democrats have consistently retained mass popular support without
abandoning their upper-crust credentials. Most loved after FDR was JFK,
graduate of Choate and Harvard, and the son of one of FDR's ambassadors
to the Court of St. James. Al Gore, androgynous senator's son and
Harvard graduate, won the popular vote in 2000, as the Democrats will
NEVER forget. It was this same vein of aristocratic populism John Kerry
attempted to tap into in his own political career; the congressional
hearings in which he testified as a young man are as cringe-inducing
for his faux Kennedy accent as they are shameful for his dissembling.
He is an archetype of the "transnational" identity that has always
characterized European nobility, owing in his particular case to his
childhood in France, Germany, and Switzerland and his centuries-old
family roots in New England, whose influence on him was analyzed in
depth in a piece called John
Kerry's America during the 2004 election campaign:
John Kerry's failure is due less to his aristocratic bearing than to
his lack of a common touch; you've got to smile winningly at the
peasant beggars from time to time. Yale and a half-billion dollar
fortune are perfect credentials for a Democrat populist. Where he
failed, many others have succeeded, and it's important to point out
that his senate seat is still as safe as Teddy's.
I'm sure there will be people quick to object that these are
extraordinary exceptions and hardly indicative of anything other than
the fact that money and politics have always been inseparable. Look at
the Bushes: it's the same thing. Except that it isn't. A family like
the Bushes on the Republican side of the aisle is, indeed, such an
outstanding anomaly that it accounts for much of the blazing hatred the
left spews toward them -- to the puzzlement of many in the peasant
hinterlands.
How might one prove that the First Estate label is far more appropriate
for Democrats than Republicans? A good place to look for evidence is
the U.S. Senate. Most senators are rich or at least well off. But there
are some definite differences in the demographics of senate membership
in the two parties. For example:
- Name the party whose senate membership includes a Hall of Fame
baseball player, two medical doctors, two veterinarians,
a Cuban refugee, the daughter of Greek immigrants, the spouse of a
former Miss Oklahoma, a member of the AFL-CIO, and 30 graduates of
state universities located in their home states (54 percent).
- Name the party whose senate membership includes a Rockefeller heir, a
Rockefeller spouse, a former owner of the
Milwaukee Bucks, two Rhodes scholars, two senator's sons, the spouse of
a senator's widow, the brother of a President, the wife of a
President, and just 17 graduates of state universities located in their
home states (38 percent).
And, yes, the lists above are not entirely fair. The Republicans have a
senator's son (Lincoln Chafee) and a Rhodes Scholar of their own
(Richard Lugar), while the Democrats have a miner's son as Minority
Leader, but isn't it the Republicans who are supposed to suffer from a
lack of diversity and a lack of understanding and compassion for the
average folk back home? So where is it that the Senate Democrats
acquired all that understanding and compassion for ordinary Americans?
The answer is clear in their biographies.
They acquired them at a handful of the most elite colleges and
universities in the world: Oxford, Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Columbia,
Brown, University of Pennsylvania, Stanford, M.I.T., University of
Chicago, West Point, Annapolis, U. Michigan (Law), Wellesley,
Swarthmore, University of Virginia, Georgetown, Duke, and Washington
& Lee. Fully 58 percent of the Democrats in the Senate went to one
or more of these schools, and to top it off, 65 percent of them have
law degrees.
Republicans? About 30 percent have degrees from these elite
institutions, with 54 percent possessing a law degree.
These statistics become even more discrepant when the female membership
of the Senate is analyzed. The Democrats boast of having nine women
senators against the Republicans' five. But it's the Old Boy's Club of
Democrats who apparently scorn the level playing field. Only one of
their nine female senators has a law degree (Hillary), and the only
other two who have advanced degrees of any kind have a Masters in
Social Work. Only three of the male Democrat senators do not have an advanced degree of some
kind: John D. Rockefeller IV, Mark Dayton (heir to the Dayton-Hudson
department store fortune), and Frank Lautenberg; six of the women do
not: Barbara Boxer, Maria Cantwell, Dianne Feinstein, Mary Landrieu,
Blanche Lincoln, and Patty Murray.
On the Republican side, the women have the same order of credentials as
the men. Removing them does not change the percentage who have elite
degrees or law degrees: 30 percent and 54 percent, respectively. And 20
percent of Republican senators do not have advanced degrees, including
two Vietnam veterans (McCain and Hagel), two marines (Roberts and
Burns), a man nicknamed "Perfect Game" (Bunning), a professional horse
shoer (Chafee), and a member of Phi Beta Kappa (Collins).
The uniformity of the men in the Democratic senate is remarkable if
their credentials are examined in isolation. 67 percent of them (i.e.,
36 senators) have
degrees from just 13 elite universities, and 80 percent have law
degrees (which doesn't leave a lot of room for doctors and vets and
MBAs, let alone self-made men, farmers, athletes, actors, and horse
shoers).
Think back to the Democrat men of the Judiciary Committee upbraiding
Alito for having attended a snob school like Princeton, while two-thirds of their old boy
colleagues possess similar credentials. What is really being scorned
here? The elitism of Princeton? Or the presumption of a peasant who
matriculated out of his class? (Maybe we should ask Princeton graduate
and Rhodes Scholar Paul Sarbanes (D) of Maryland what he thinks.)
An important note. In harping on the distinction between elite
universities and state universities, I am not implying that there is
any absolute difference in quality of education. The membership of the
senate exhibits the same kind of two-hump curve found in the corporate
world, where the most successful executives tend either to have elite
degrees or state school degrees, without very much in between. The
meaning of this should be obvious. The population excels in
intelligence and accomplishment across the board. In youth, though,
some could afford the prohibitive costs of the elite schools, and some
could not. The cream still rises to the top. What does make for an
interesting discussion, though, is the likelihood of a distinctly
different social experience between the elites and the more affordable
state schools.
This brings us to the Second Estate. The professoriate of our colleges
and universities constitutes, in our hypothesis, the clergy of American
aristocracy. It doesn't take a cultural anthropologist to detect that
the leftward tilt of this professoriate increases as one moves up the
scale of prestige to the top universities in the country. Maybe there
are those who would undertake to make the argument that the faculty at
the University of Oklahoma is just as left-wing as the faculty at
Harvard, but I don't envy them the task. The community into which young
scholars are invited at the most elite schools is not a physical place,
but a conceptual domain of intellectual and cultural superiority. These
are the high priests who write the scripture that undergirds the
nobility's assumption of divine right to rule.
Now given that the Fourth Estate is populated by courtiers who have
been educated by the same clerics and who regard it as their sacred
duty to support the nobles of the First Estate, it finally becomes
possible to see that politics per se is not the governing factor in the
mix. The peasantry matters to the extent that they constitute much of
the subject matter in the games and gossip at court. But the peasants
will always remain peasants. That's why the political minds of the
nobility, the clergy, and the press do not see any philosophical
contradiction in the fact that their most earnest efforts to improve
the plight of, say, black peasants serve only to keep the black
peasants trapped in the same old cultural prison. Of course they're always going to be
poor: that's why the nobles need to be able to control more of the
national income and redistribute it with the usual self-flattering
fanfare. It's why they don't see a contradiction between affirming the
right to choose for pregnant women while denying the peasants' right to
choose non-government schools, firearms for self-protection, and a
consumption tax in place of a Big Brother income espionage/confiscation
system. It's why they see no contradiction between their constantly
reiterated devotion to freedom of speech and their own (and their
clergy's) sewer-mouthed refusal to tolerate it from peasant
conservatives.
And because they are nobles -- with all the historical connotations the
term implies -- they see no contradiction in the fact that their own
deepest loyalties are not to the nation in which they were born, but to
the pan-European aristocracy that has been running things for the
peasantry in the Old (better) World since one or two kings got carried away in times past.
So now they are engaged in a great war of reaction. Despite the fact
that they exercise absolute control of two of the four estates --
clergy and press -- they feel their power slipping away. Too many
peasants in the Senate and House. A traitorous bastard malapropist in the White House. They absolutely require an
institution above the vulgar House of Commons the U.S. Congress has
become. They see the U.S. Supreme Court as their missing House of Lords,
endowed ideally with the noble (and lifelong) right to veto peasant
legislation or rewrite it from the bench -- and make of the Constitution what royal edicts have always been, a moveable feast that satisfies today's appetite and, with a new stroke of the pen, tomorrow's too, whatever it may be.
It is intolerable to contemplate, even for a moment, that the peasants
should be able to dismantle the House of Lords and turn it back into
what Chief Justice Roberts called a "referee at a football game." They
don't understand how this dire outcome could actually occur, and it's
so black and white in their minds that they can't even explain their
disgust.
But I think I just have.

.
Congratulations to Michelle Malkin
for remembering Mozart's 250th birthday. We know she went to Oberlin,
so it's no surprise, just a pleasure. Here is InstaPunk's present: the
most beautiful piece of music ever written (with the possible exception
of the final act of the Marriage of
Figaro, also by Guess Who). It's the Concerto for Clarinet and
Oboe. [Click on the Audio Button above.] The whole thing.
Enjoy.
BONUS.
We're still right-wingers here. You haven't seen this particular take
on the lefties before. Once again, enjoy.

You've got it all. Power, passion, precision, and style. You're sensuous, exotic, and temperamental. Sure, you're expensive and high-maintenance, but you're worth it.
Take the Which
Sports Car Are You? quiz. Seems like a pleasant way to brighten an
otherwise gray day.


? First, a little background:
Here's a description of a typical sufferer penned by Dr. Tourette:
The disease named for Tourette is still with us today, but it has
lately been joined by a peculiar variant in which otherwise reasonably
normal people break off "all of a sudden" from what they were doing or
saying to let fly with some inappropriate left-wing political
utterance. George Clooney's little outburst
about Abramoff at the Golden Globes is a recent instance, but its
incongruity is mild compared to what Tom Shales did today in his media
column.
The piece is a lengthy review
of this season's "American Idol." He's impressed:
Unlike many other observers, Shales has found a way to rationalize the
fact that much of the show's entertainment value lies in watching the
humiliation of the defenceless and talentless.
He could have left it at that, of course, but since he's writing for
the Washington Post he has to
reach for some broader cultural meaning in even a low-rent phenomenon
like "American Idol". Otherwise, why would a luminary like himself
waste any time on it? So he
settles on the notion that the show is telling us something important
about Americans:
Anyone who has ever witnessed a British music hall performance or a
French mime act or any sort of Japanese pop star might venture to
suggest that self-delusion is more probably a function of human nature
than national identity, but such an argument is beside the point.
What's really going on here is that Shales is building up to a
Tourette's moment. His very next sentence is a kind of seizure:
"American Idol" is somehow informing us about Bush foreign
policy??!! Well, that should be a mighty interesting little
disquisition. The reader can hardly wait to see where this is going.
But it's not going anywhere. The Tourette's moment has come and gone,
and the resolution of any possible idea buried in the writer's head is
preempted with a single word. "Whatever." Thus continues Shales:
Now we're back to vaudeville, the original point of entry to the
subject, and the critic moves into his wrap-up without further
reference to his one-sentence fit.
About 20 years ago, someone gave this guy a Pulitzer Prize, which hints
at the possibility that he may
not be a complete idiot, but one has to wonder. Somewhere between
writing and publication there is usually a step called Reading Over
What You Have Written. Does this weird new form of Tourette's conceal
its existence from the sufferer? Does Shales read his moronic
non-sequitur with something like pride? Or is he simply as impotent to
edit it out as he was to avoid writing it in the first place,
regardless of the intense embarrassment created by his condition?
These are deep waters, and I think it's time medical professionals
applied themselves to the challenge of understanding and treating this
disease. Before it spreads. Much farther.